Mexicolore logoMexicolore name

Article suitable for older students

Find out more

Ixiptla - deity impersonator

10th Oct 2021

{italicIxiptla} - deity impersonator

An Aztec deity impersonator is revered by the people around him; Florentine Codex Book 2

Whist it’s common knowledge that the Mexica (Aztecs) liked to imitate and dress like their gods, it’s far less widely known not only that by impersonating or embodying a deity humans could access the divine and ‘become one with the gods’, but that this act was ‘a fundamental characteristic of nearly every ritual performance’, that to be chosen for the role was considered a great honour, that the ‘impersonators’ would be respected and revered as the gods they ‘impersonated’, and... that they would end up being sacrificed to them; in the words of Inga Clendinnen, ‘among the range of human “gifts” the elaborate ixiptlas or “god-representatives” were particularly valuable’. (Compiled by Ian Mursell/Mexicolore)

For many years scholars have struggled to find an adequate term in English to faithfully represent the Nahuatl word ixiptla. In her detailed study, Molly Bassett has assembled the following: ‘representative’, ‘delegate’, ‘substitute’, ‘image’, ‘impersonator’, ‘likeness’, ‘representation’, ‘character’, ‘localised embodiment’, ‘deity embodiment’ - several of these translated from early Nahuatl-Spanish dictionaries, and from the pioneering work of eminent historians including Alfredo López Austin, Davíd Carrasco and Cecelia Klein. Bassett is careful to add the prefix te-, meaning ‘someone’s’, to remind readers of the concept’s possessed condition, and she outlines two essential forms: the concrete ixiptlatl (representative or delegate) and the abstract ixiptlayotl (representation, image, likeness); both feature in the Florentine Codex. At the centre of the Nahuatl word, and concept, is xip, meaning skin or covering, to which we return below.

Inga Clendinnen, pointing out that the term is ‘a marvellously elastic category’, adds the concept ‘god-presenter, that which enables the god to present aspects of himself’. Carrasco gives an even more academic definition: ‘The major ritual participants were called “in ixiptla, in teteo” (deity impersonators, or individuals or objects, whose essence has been cosmo-magically transformed into gods)’.
The human form is the one most commonly described in the literature, and its most oft mentioned example is the young man chosen to represent Tezcatlipoca in the annual feast of Toxcatl. It’s certainly the most dramatic, given that the individual was chosen, and subsequently groomed, for a whole year before the festival took place, and was subject to the most exacting physical standards - the Florentine Codex dedicates an entire page to prescribing his looks! Like most ixiptlas, he was carefully picked from a field of captured warriors.

Whilst his case was one extreme, it was by no means the only one in which the ixiptla was chosen several days prior to the ceremony in which he would be offered to the gods. The impersonator of Xipe Totec (‘Our Lord the Flayed One’, god of spring and rebirth) was selected forty days in advance of the major feast of Tlacaxipehualiztli. We should stress that deities were impersonated during every twenty-day veintena, the process beginning with a ritual bath to cleanse and purify the individual. The victims were by no means exclusively male: Carrasco noted that women participated as deity impersonators in 13 of the 19 festivals he studied, honouring the many goddesses worshipped by the Mexica. In either case, as Smith notes, the victims were carefully chosen to match the requirements of the god or goddess to be honoured - ‘most gods required warriors for their ixiptla, but some were satisfied with slaves purchased for the occasion.’ Not seen as ordinary mortals, they were viewed ‘as deities whose deaths repeated the original sacrificial deaths of gods described in myth.’ Dodds Pennock suggests that female ixiptlas were ‘concerned with questions of nature’, allied to the earth.

Perhaps the clearest example of this is that of females sacrificed to maize deities: in the festival of the eighth month, dedicated to Xilonen, a slave girl representing and embodying the young crop was ‘decapitated to symbolise the gathering of the maize heads. In the eleventh month, the woman who impersonated the goddess of ripe maize [Chicomecoatl] suffered the same fate’ (Bray).
In a reminder of the dual - also volatile, and potentially dangerous - forces of creation and destruction, fasting accompanied feasting, as Morán explains: ‘Throughout the ceremonies to Chicomecoatl there is a back and forth - a balance and a tension - between hunger and abundance. Visually, participants are overwhelmed by the quantity of foods available; the deity impersonator wears food as part of her costume, is carried in a litter that is brimming with different types of food, and is placed in a chamber that is also decorated with food. She then becomes the perfect symbol of fertility herself, being killed and “reborn” through the priest who wears her skin. The audience goes from stages of gorging, hunger, and back to feasting.’

Not only was the victim decapitated, she was also flayed, by a priest, and her skin passed to another priest ‘who put on her flayed flesh and thus took on the role of deity impersonator.’ In the case of the festival of Tlacaxipehualiztli, multiple humans were clothed in the flayed skins of teixiptlahuan, victims sacrificed to Xipe Totec. ‘These impersonators then circulated throughout the captor’s neighbourhood for twenty days, collecting gifts for the captor and his family’ - clearly, as Klein points out, the right to impersonate a deity ‘was not available to everyone; the costumes were signs of rank, office, privilege, and the right to riches’.
Different god costumes could be worn for different occasions. Emperor Motecuhzoma II is depicted during the Battle of Toluca against Huexotzinco wearing the costume bearing the flayed human skin honouring Xipe Totec that had been worn by his predecessor Axayacatl when the Mexica fought against Tlatelolco in 1473. This shows, as Klein states, that ‘the god’s ferocity and bravery could be imparted via the costume to any person who wore it.’

Increasingly, we see here that the sacred quality of the ixiptla lay not in the person who wore it, but in the ‘costume’ - from face mask to skin, to insignia - of the deity being honoured. Far from being a simple impression or representation, ‘a teixiptla is the being whom it embodies’ (Bassett) which ‘cannot exist apart from the entity it embodies. A teotl [deity, spirit, life force, energy] needs a teixiptla, a localised embodiment, in order to be present to devotees’. In other words, it is the deity, not the human, that propagates the concept of embodiment. ‘Aztecs believed that the gods who sacrificed themselves to put the sun in motion during the creation had left their clothing behind so that the people would remember them’. The deities stayed invisible but ‘their powers could be accessed through their masks and costumes’ (Klein). And not just in sacred paraphernalia borne by humans, but in non-human objects. As Clendinnen explains, ‘that sacredness lingered: in the person and garments of the high priest or ruler, in the living and the dead flesh of the human images, in the seed-dough “flesh” of the vegetable figures; all remained suffused with residual sacred power’.

Ixiptlas were then ubiquitous, the sacred force finding a vehicle ‘in a stone image, richly dressed and accoutred for the occasion; in elaborately constructed seed-dough figures; in the living body of the high priest in his divine regalia, and in the living god-image he would kill: human, vegetable and mineral ixiptlas’ (Clendinnen).
The fact that the Mexica could view human-made objects as bearers of sacred force indicates that they conceived ritual matter as what Bassett calls ‘the stuff of gods’. Stone - ideally precious, in the form of turquoise or jade - shell, cloth, skin, even wood could all be animated in ritual contexts, in order to invest the constructed object with life force, albeit temporarily. The eighteenth month, Izcalli, was dedicated to the old fire god Xiuhtecuhtli and to rain god Tlaloc. Every four years deity impersonators of Xiuhtecuhtli were sacrificed, and a wooden armature was constructed as the image of the god, with a precious turquoise mosaic mask as a face covering.

Worshippers also sculpted amaranth dough figures to represent Xiuhtecuhtli - just as an amaranth-paste god-image or ixiptla was placed at the very top of a tall pole in the festival of Xocotlhuetzi, to be seized, broken and scattered over the crowd below in a communion-like ceremony by the youth who successfully reached the top first (follow link below).
Interestingly, both Nahuatl words for ‘face’ - xayacatl and ixtli - also connote ‘mask’, ‘surface’ or ‘covering’. Whilst every part of the face was important - personified (and hence animated) flint knives often adorned the nose holes of human skulls placed in deity offerings - it was the eyes that probably carried most meaning, allowing the deity, through its ixiptla to see and be seen, to communicate most powerfully with its devotees and to reflect the devotee’s gaze. As Bassett explains: ‘Polished obsidian and iron pyrite appear in the pupils of manufactured teixiptlahuan recovered by archaeologists; the mirror-eyes of a teixiptla and the light they caught took on a particularly powerful and enlivening cultural potency’.

Like full costumes, these deity embodiments might ‘move through the ritual landscape’, to be taken from time to time from temples and paraded throughout the sacred precinct of the city.
Whilst death was not a necessary part of the ixiptla’s definition - for instance, the term could also be applied to a military deputy acting on the emperor’s behalf - it was certainly a key aspect of human sacrifice. The fire priests who processed to and up the Hill of the Star for the massive New Fire Ceremony held every 52 years wore the sacred costumes of deities including Quetzalcóatl and Tlaloc. They took on the ‘face’ and identity of the gods they embodied, and would be sacrificed in honour of them. in Book XII of the Florentine Codex Motecuhzoma is reported to have sent to Cortés the complete sets of garments and adornments of three different teteo, namely Quetzalcoatl, Tezcatlipoca and Tlaloc. It’s entirely possible that the Mexica ruler intended the Spaniard - and Pedro de Alvarado, his deputy - to dress in them and to become teixiptlahuan, to be honoured and revered - and then, ultimately, offered as gifts to the gods they had been chosen by the emperor to embody...

Sources:-
• Aguilar-Moreno, Manuel Handbook to Life in the Aztec World, Facts on File, New York, 2006
• Bassett, Molly H. The Fate of Earthy Things: Aztec Gods and God-bodies, University of Texas Press, 2015
• Bray, Warwick Everyday Life of the Aztecs, B. T. Batsford Ltd., 1968
• Clendinnen, Inga Aztecs, Cambridge University Press, 1991
• Dodds Pennock, Caroline Bonds of Blood: Gender, Lifestyle and Sacrifice in Aztec Culture, Palgrave Macmillian, 2008
• Klein, Cecelia F. ’Impersonation of Deities’, in The Oxford Encyclopaedia of Mesoamerican Cultures, editor Davíd Carrasco, vol. 2, Oxford University Press, 2001
• Miller, Mary and Taube, Karl The Gods and Symbols of Ancient Mexico and the Maya - An Illustrated Dictionary of Mesoamerican Religion, Thames and Hudson, 1993
• Morán, Elizabeth Sacred Consumption: Food and Ritual in Aztec Art and Culture, University of Texas Press, 2016
• Pohl, John M. D. and Lyons, Claire L. The Aztec Pantheon and the Art of Empire, J. Paul Getty Museum, 2010
• Smith, Michael E. The Aztecs, 2nd. edition, Blackwell Publishing, 2003.

Picture sources:-
• Main pic and pix 6 & 10: images scanned from our own copy of the Club Internacional del Libro 3-volume facsimile edition of the Florentine Codex, Madrid, 1994
• Pic 1: image from the Codex Magliabechiano scanned from our own copy of the ADEVA, Graz, facsimile edition, 1970
• Pix 2 & 7: images scanned from Arqueología Mexicana, vol. VI no. 34, Editorial Raíces, Mexico City, Nov-Dec 1998
• Pix 3 & 8: photos by Ian Mursell/Mexicolore
• Pic 4: image scanned from our own copy of the Codex Borbonicus (ADEVA facsimile edition, Graz, Austria, 1974)
• Pic 5: image from the Codex Vaticanus A (Codex Ríos) scanned from our own copy of the ADEVA facsimile edition, Graz, Austria, 1979
• Pic 9: artwork by Felipe Dávalos, commission by Mexicolore.

Comments (1)

I

Iixiptlatl Tlamatini

6th Sep 2023

As the name implies, I come in peace and have a sense of humor. That said, I curious. The article says: “Not seen as ordinary mortals, they were viewed ‘as deities whose deaths repeated the original sacrificial deaths of gods described in myth.’” That’s a substantial metaphysical claim. Could you please point me to the paper from that claim was abstracted?

M

Mexicolore

From Smith, Michael E. The Aztecs, 2nd. edition, Blackwell Publishing, 2003, pp.216-7.