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Introduction

12th Apr 2023

Introduction

Mexicolore’s illustration by Steve Radzi of the Journey to Mictlan

Brought to life visually for the first time ever by our good friend and professional illustrator Steve Radzi of Mayavision, we will explore in detail the widespread belief in a dangerous four-year journey undertaken by the soul after death down to the Land of the Dead (Mictlan in Nahuatl, Kalinin in Totonac, La’nin in Tepehua, Laitun in Otomí, Xibalbá in Quiché Mayan, Metnal in Yucatec Mayan...). We will be presenting an annotated short story based on this journey written by contemporary Nahua author Gonzalo Zacaula Velazquez, including simple animations of Steve’s pictures... (Compiled by Ian Mursell/Mexicolore)

We will be focusing on Central Mexican mythology, though the ancient Maya also shared belief in a perilous four-year journey and in the existence of nine levels of the underworld (the first of which, incidentally, is the earth’s surface, where we live). Whilst the story of the Maya Hero Twins confirms that every Maya individual had to take a harrowing journey after death through a decayed underworld to get to Xibalbá (‘Place of Fright’) in order finally to rise to the heavens, the Mexica (Aztecs) believed that at every stage of the journey downwards the soul had to pass a severe trial. Some scholars have linked the nine underworld levels to the nine deities called ‘Lords of the Night’. Gordon Brotherston explains (Painted Books from Mexico pp. 130-31): ‘The nine Night Lords or Yoallitecutin count out the 260 nights of the tonalamatl [sacred calendar], from conception to birth, as nine moons of 29 nights... the Night Lords are celebrated in every one of the ritual books... As the powers invoked by midwives, they correspond numerically to the orifices of the human body’.

Mexican archaeologist Eduardo Matos Moctezuma goes into more detail (The Mask of Death p. 31): ‘For all races, an undeniable proof of pregnancy in a woman is when the menstrual flow stops. The moment this occurs, it means that there is life inside her. The physiological changes in the woman occur little by little, until the child is born, which occurs when the menstruation has been detained on nine occasions.’ In simple terms, the nine levels of the underworld correspond to the nine months of a woman’s pregnancy.
The number four has special significance too: Matos correlates the four year journey to Mictlan to the time it takes for a human body to decompose and change into fleshless, skeletal form.
Mictlan, incidentally, was not a universal destination but certainly the main one for the majority of individuals - rich or poor, noble or commoner - who died a plain, boring, natural death (in the main, of old age), in an accident, or via what Alfredo López Austin calls a common, ordinary illness or ‘earth death’. There were other, special, heavenly abodes for those who suffered more spectacular deaths - in sacrifice, battle, when giving birth, as a result of violent natural disasters such as floods or bolts of lightning, or those who experienced innocent deaths as in the case of still unweaned infants (learn more about the 13 heavens by following the link on the Aztec Underworld Welcome page...)
That said, Michel Graulich (Mitos y Rituales del México Antiguo p. 273) suggests that ALL souls travelled to Mictlan to end as ‘defleshed’, but that ‘persons without merit’ remained there whereas others - presumably chosen by the gods - then ascended to one of the heavens.

Just how was the Underworld imagined by the peoples of ancient Mesoamerica? Sadly we have virtually no imagery from Central Mexico showing any sort of vision of how Mictlan was conceived. Iconography abounds depicting the Lord and Lady of the Land of the Dead, and the ancient Maya portrayed Xibalbá imaginatively on ceramic vases (pic 4), but otherwise there is little to go on besides textual descriptions, of which there are plenty. We might start by considering some of the terms in Nahuatl for the land of the dead. Irene Nicholson gives us a good introduction (Firefly in the Night, p. 49):-
Tocenchan tocenpopolihuiyan signifies a common house, a region in which we all lose our identities. Tlatalpatlahuac means simply a wide expanse, and Atlecaloian a cul-de-sac. Opochquiyahuayocan means “where the doors are on the left...” The idea that the land of the dead is the place where we all lose our outer skin or covering is contained in the phrase Ximoan, Ximoayan, which describes the process of removing the bark from trees and is thus closely related to the idea of the god who flays the dead man of his skin.’

Miguel León-Portilla (Aztec Thought and Culture, p. 125) translates Ximoayan as ‘”the place of the fleshless”, where men were at last freed from their bodies.’ (Xim means to smooth, scrape, shave in Nahuatl.)
There seems to be universal agreement that Mictlan was/is a sad, dark, joyless, windowless, mysterious, extensive, grim, smelly place - but NOT what ethnocentric Christian missionaries tried to label ‘hell’. The only context in which ‘punishment’ might be relevant would be ‘the specific one meted out to whoever wasted the goods indispensable to life’ (López Austin, The Human Body and Ideology p. 334).

Where was Mictlan to be found? Some have suggested that Mictlan lay to the north (Mictlampa - place of death), traditionally a region associated with coldness, the dark, an area ruled by black Tezcatlipoca and symbolised by the tecpatl or flint knife (pic 5). Other scholars, rooting their research in the wisdom and knowledge of contemporary (Nahua) religious practitioners, stress that to talk of specific directions, levels or sides of the underworld is ‘peripheral’, and that the land of the dead lies not only under the earth but that it is ‘far more than the world beneath our feet. It is a world that is within the earth that is one with the earth, but it is also a world that is within the mind. In that sense, it is also the world of the timeless mythic past, archetypical events that constitute the genesis of the peoples of Mesoamerica. The underworld is the world from which the people of Mesoamerica emerged’ (Timothy Knab, Oxford Encylopedia of Mesoamerican Cultures vol. 3 p. 290).

Nevertheless, when it comes to the precious few detailed references in the sources to the underworld, those nine levels are invariably invoked, together with a description of the dangerous journey through them. Henry Nicholson, writing his classic essay ‘Religion in Prehispanic Central Mexico’ a half-century ago, presented things this way:-
’Complementing the celestial realm, the underworld was similarly conceived as stratified into a series of levels; the number of these subterrestrial tiers is invariably given as nine. The only pictorial representation of this scheme is in the Codex Vaticanus A [see pic 6 for a simplified re-drawing]. Sahagún [in Book 3 of the Florentine Codex] also presents a scheme of nine underworlds, which were actually hazard stations which had to be successfully passed by each dead soul (with the aid of certain magic talismans and charms burned with the body) before reaching the ninth, lowermost level and achieving eternal rest’ (Handbook of Middle American Indians vol. 10, p. 408).

It’s easy to envisage nine underworld levels actually UNDER the earth, but in fact only eight were conceived, the first of the nine being Tlalticpac, the earth’s surface, the land of the living. Kay Read (Time and Sacrifice in the Aztec Cosmos p. 139) points out that the actual entrance to Mictlan ‘may have been situated at the horizon’s edge where the sky meets the sea and mountains’, that is in López Austin’s words ‘at the extreme outer limit of the underworld’ (op cit, p. 333). This suggests that, as Read puts it, ‘the dead may be disappearing outward as well as downward’. The ‘levels’ are spelt out in the article ‘Mictlan and its Inhabitants’ (link top right). Here it remains simply to draw attention to the fact that the two key texts mentioned by Nicholson do differ in some details. López Austin explains:-
’Sahagún refers to the second place [after Tlalticpac], Chiconahuapan, ‘”river of the nine”, as the current of water a dead person must cross with the help of a reddish-coloured dog. However, he locates it at the end of the path, as the last barrier before the descent to the ninth level. He also mentions the hills that clash and the place of the obsidian wind, and possibly the eighth floor of the Codex Vaticanus can be identified with the place Sahagún states was thought to be inhabited by a serpent that lies in wait on the road to attack the dead. Another site, one which does not correspond to the description in the Codex Vaticanus, is the one Fray Bernardino calls “the place of the green lizard Xochitonal.”’

Sahagún mentions eight plains and eight hills; he makes no reference though to banners or flags, shooting by arrows, or jaguars devouring hearts. As a result of these discrepancies, we’ve tried to be inclusive and indulged in a degree of artistic licence in our reconstruction and illustration of the journey’s natural obstacles, showing a total of nine stages directly under the earth. In our opinion, the two clearest and most accessible English language accounts, on which we’ve based our version, are:-
The Aztecs - People of the Sun by Alfonso Caso (p. 62)
Handbook to Life in the Aztec World by Manuel Aguilar-Moreno (p. 165).
At least two eminently plausible interpretations have been put forward to explain these challenges: first, that the quest represents a ‘reverse journey’ back into a mother’s womb. Matos explains: ‘The body of the dead man was placed in the same position as he was found in the maternal womb and in the same damp atmosphere. It is also significant that the individual, on beginning his journey and on finishing it, has to cross a river, which bears relation to the current of water that precedes birth... The steps to Mictlan, so full of mishaps, are equivalent to those the individual had to take to develop within the maternal womb and achieve life. The cycle completes itself.’

Second, in López Austin’s words ‘the hardships of the journey cleansed the individual’s history. Even today, the Nahua consider death a process that cleanses the soul’. In this sense, Kay Read has carefully chosen to describe the journey to Mictlan as ‘a pilgrimage for the dead’. The picture is complicated somewhat by recalling that for the Nahua we have THREE spirit centres or animistic forces, and the fate of each is different after death. López Austin here refers to the teyolía, the closest to the Western concept of ‘soul’ and the only one to make the journey to one of the four afterworlds, including Mictlan. It is this ‘main soul, the yolio of the Nahuas, which is a sort of vital principle located in the heart but which survives after death to enter a new, immaterial existence’ (Stresser-Péan, The Sun God and the Saviour p. 464) which is still very much believed in today by contemporary Nahua, together with a belief in Mictlan for the majority and ‘special’ heavens, reserved for victims of particular types of death, those ‘who were marked by a life of virtue of exceptional religious merit’ (this can include healers, soothsayers, women sages, musicians and so on), ‘women who died in their first childbirth and infants who died at a tender age’.

Clearly, some of the key features of Aztec burials continue to resonate to this day. In preparation for the soul’s long and dangerous journey to Mictlan, the family of the deceased would pack their relative off with all the things most likely needed for a long trip: food, drink, clothes, weapons, tools, gifts (to give to underworld deities)...
Alfonso Caso, taking his information from the Appendix of Book III in the Florentine Codex, goes into some detail: ‘[The deceased] was given a jug of water for the journey, and his body was wrapped in a winding sheet in a squatting position, tightly secured with blankets and papers. Other papers [almost analogous to tickets or cash today] helped him to pass through the clashing mountains, or the place guarded by the great snake, or where the green lizard called Xochitónal lay in wait, or over the nine bleak plains, Chicunaixtlahuaca, and over the nine hills. The garments that the deceased had worn in this life were burned, so that he would feel no cold when he passed through the place where the wind blew so cold it cut like a knife; a jade bead was placed in his mouth [pic 11] to serve as his heart, which he would doubtless leave as a pawn in the seventh hell, where the wild beasts devoured the hearts of men...’ (The Aztecs p. 62). As Irene Nicholson says ‘If his earthly heart is consumed, a precious stone - a thing both more beautiful and more enduring - takes its place.’

Even today, many Nahua families bury with their dead ones miniature versions of their earthly work tools - such as a digging stick or plough for a man or a grinding stone or weaving device for a woman. Such symbolic offerings as work tools would allow the deceased to go on working in the afterlife.
Furthermore, Nahua people living today in the Sierra de Puebla believe that ‘to enter Mictlan, the Land of the Dead, it is necessary to come to a large river that marks the edge. At the bank of this river, each dead person knows he or she will meet his or her dog, which, if all goes well, will aid the individual in crossing to the other side.’ Interestingly too, Stresser-Péan records that some contemporary Nahua still recall the second hazard of passing between two mountains that crash together.

A propos, the two colliding hills carry extra symbolic weight linked to the twin temples atop the Templo Mayor, centre of the Mexica universe (the left one dedicated to rain god Tlaloc, the right one to war god Huitzilopochtli) (pic 12): the subsistence hill (Tlaloc’s side) and the hill of Coatepec (Huitzilopochtli’s side) together forming ‘the obligatory path for those going to Mictlan’ (Matos p. 29).
When all is said and done, what future awaited an individual’s soul at the end of the journey to Mictlan?
Many emphasise rest, possibly followed by eventual rebirth, others disappearance, even (Gregorio Torres Quintero Mitos Aztecas p. 84) total annihilation. The Florentine Codex talks of Mictlan being ‘our common home, our common place for perishing’. Still others suggest a slightly more optimistic fate - that the dead would see their ancestors there, and/or at least that what remained of the teyolía ‘was enough human essence to permit the soul to join another newly begotten human’ (López Austin, op cit, p. 409).

Perhaps we should view destruction as ‘entailing the changing of form’ (Read, op cit. p. 110-113): ‘to disappear meant to cease existing in death in the same way one had existed in life. This was not a total evaporation into nothingness, into a black void. It meant, instead, never to return to the same previous visible form... In the Mexica-Tenochca world, all forms, including humans, were continually transformed...’
Being buried in a foetal position surely indicated belief in the hope of a new beginning in life.

Sources/references:-
• Aguilar-Moreno, Manuel (2006) Handbook to Life in the Aztec World, Facts on File, New York
• Caso, Alfonso (1988) The Aztecs - People of the Sun, University of Oklahoma Press, London
• Graulich, Michel (1990) Mitos y Rituales del México Antiguo, Ediciones Istmo, Madrid
• León-Portilla, Miguel (1963) Aztec Thought and Culture, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman
• López Austin, Alfredo (1988) The Human Body and Ideology: Concepts of the Ancient Nahuas, vol. 1. Translated by Thelma Ortiz de Montellano and Bernard Ortiz de Montellano, University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City
• ------- (2017) ‘The Human Body in the Mexica Worldview’ in The Oxford Handbook of the Aztecs, edited by Deborah L. Nichols & Enrique Rodríguez-Alegría, OUP
• Matos Moctezuma, Eduardo (1988) The Mask of Death in Prehispanic Mexico, GV Editores, Mexico City
• ------- (2013) ‘La muerte entre los mexicas. Expresión particular de una realidad universal’, Arqueología Mexicana, special edition no. 52, October 2013
• Nicholson, Henry (1971) ‘Religion in Prehispanic Central Mexico’ in Handbook of Middle American Indians, vol. 10, series editor Robert Wauchope, University of Texas Press, Austin
• Nicholson, Irene (1959) Firefly in the Night, Faber & Faber
• Read, Kay (1998) Time and Sacrifice in the Aztec Cosmos, Indiana University Press
• Sahagún, Bernardino de (1978). General History of the Things of New Spain Book 3: The Origin of the Gods. Translated by Arthur J. O. Anderson and Charles E. Dibble. 2nd ed. 12 vols., The School of American Research and the University of Utah, Santa Fe, New Mexico
• Stresser-Péan, Guy (2009) The Sun God and the Saviour, University Press of Colorado
• Torres Quintero, Gregorio (1978) Mitos Aztecas, Porrúa, Mexico City.

Picture sources:-
• Main and pix 7 & 11: illustrations by, thanks to and © Steve Radzi/Mayavision, commissioned by Mexicolore
• Pic 1: photo by and courtesy of George Fery
• Pic 2: image from the Florentine Codex (original in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florence) scanned from our own copy of the Club Internacional del Libro 3-volume facsimile edition, Madrid, 1994
• Pic 3: photo by Ian Mursell/Mexicolore
• Pic 4: photo by and courtesy of Justin Kerr/Mayavase.com
• Pic 5: image from the Codex Borgia scanned from our own copy of the ADEVA facsimile edition, Graz, Austria, 1976
• Pix 6 & 10: illustrations scanned from Alfonso Caso The Aztecs op cit
• Pic 8: images from the Codex Mendoza scanned from our own copy of the James Cooper Clark 1938 facsimile edition, London
• Pic 9: image scanned from our own copy of the Codex Laud, ADEVA facsimile edition, Graz, Austria, 1966
• Pic 12: illustration by and courtesy of Felipe Dávalos
• Pic 13: photo by Eva Sánchez Fernández/Mexicolore.

Comments (2)

T

Taytay

16th May 2023

Of course! :D

t

taytay

15th May 2023

Oh my gosh this article has such awesome information on Mictlan! Thank you so much for sharing so much information on the Aztecs. You guys are by far the best source of info I have been able to find on their mythology and culture. Seriously, thank you so much!!!

M

Mexicolore

You’re more than welcome - thanks for your kind words...!